In this struggle, only the workers and peasants will go all the way to the
end
Towards a history of anarchist anti-imperialism
The anarchist movement has a long tradition of fighting imperialism. This reaches back into the 1860s, and continues
to the present day. From Cuba, to Egypt, to Ireland, to Macedonia, to Korea, to Algeria and Morocco, the anarchist
movement has paid in blood for its opposition to imperial domination and
control.
However, whilst anarchists have actively participated in national liberation struggles, they have argued that the
destruction of national oppression and imperialism can only be truly achieved through the
destruction of both capitalism and the state system, and the creation of an international anarcho-communist society.
This is not to argue that anarchists absent themselves from national liberation struggles that do not have such
goals. Instead, anarchists stand in solidarity with struggles against imperialism on principle, but
seek to reshape national liberation movements into social liberation movements.
Such movements would be both anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist, would be based on internationalism rather than
narrow chauvinism, would link struggles in the imperial centres directly to struggles in the
oppressed regions, and would be controlled by, and reflect the interests of, the working class and peasantry.
In other words, we stand in solidarity with anti-imperialist movements, but condemn those who use such movements
to advance reactionary cultural agendas (for example, those who oppose women's rights in the name of culture) and
fight against attempts by local capitalists and the middle class to hijack these movements. We oppose state repression
of anti-imperialist movements, as we reject the right of the state to decide what is, and what is not, legitimate
protest. However, it is no liberation if all that changes is the colour or the language of the capitalist class.
AGAINST NATIONALISM
This is where we differ from the political current that has dominated national liberation movements since the 1940s:
the ideology of nationalism.
Nationalism is a political strategy that argues that the key task of the anti-imperialist struggle is to establish
an independent nation-state. It is through these independent states, nationalists argue, that the nation as a whole
will exercise its general will. In the words of Kwame Nkrumah, who spearheaded the formation of the independent
nation-state of Ghana, the task was to "Seek ye first the political
kingdom, and all else shall be given unto you."
In order to achieve this goal, nationalists argue that it is necessary to unite all classes within the oppressed
nation against the imperialist oppressor. Nationalists tend to deny the importance of class
differences within the oppressed nation, arguing that the common experience of national oppression makes class
divisions unimportant, or that class is a "foreign" concept that is irrelevant.
Thus nationalists seek to hide class differences in a quest to found an independent nation-state.
The class interests that hide behind nationalism are obvious. Nationalism has, historically, been an ideology developed
and championed by the bourgeoisie and middle class in the oppressed
nation. It is a form of anti-imperialism that wishes to remove imperialism but retain capitalism, a bourgeois that
wishes, in short, to create for the local bourgeoisie more space, more opportunities, more avenues to exploit the
local working class and develop local capitalism.
Our role as anarchists in relation to nationalists is thus clear: we may fight alongside nationalists for limited
reforms and victories against imperialism but we fight against the statism and capitalism of the
nationalists.
Our role is to win mass support for the anarchist approach to imperial domination, to win workers and peasants
away from nationalism and to an internationalist working class programme: anarchism. This
requires active participation in national liberation struggles but political independence from the nationalists.
National liberation must be differentiated from nationalism, which is the class programme of the bourgeoisie: we
are against imperialism, but also, against nationalism.
BAKUNIN AND THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL
Support for national liberation follows directly from anarchism's opposition to hierarchical political structures
and economic inequality, and advocacy of a freely constituted international confederation of
self-administrating communes and workers' associations. At the same time, however, anarchism's commitment to a
general social and economic emancipation means that anarchism rejects statist solutions to national oppression
that leave capitalism and government in place.
If anyone can be named the founder of revolutionary anarchism, it is Mikhail Bakunin (1918-1876). Bakunin's political
roots lay within the national liberation movements of Eastern Europe, and he retained a commitment to what would
nowadays be called 'decolonisation' throughout his life. When Bakunin moved from pan-Slavic nationalism towards
anarchism in the 1860s, following the disastrous 1863 Polish insurrection, he still argued in support of struggles
for national self-determination.
He doubted whether "imperialist Europe" could keep the colonial countries in bondage: "Two-thirds
of humanity, 800 million Asiatics asleep in their servitude will necessarily awaken and begin to move."[1]
Bakunin went on to declare his "strong sympathy for any national uprising against any form of oppression",
stating that every people "has the right to be itself .... no one is entitled to impose its
costume, its customs, its languages and its laws."[2]
EAST EUROPE
The crucial issue, however, "in what direction and to what end" will the national liberation movement
move? For Bakunin, national liberation must be achieved "as much in the economic as in the political interests
of the masses": if the anti- colonial struggle is carried out with "ambitious intent to set up a powerful
State" or if "it is carried out without the people" and "must therefore depend for success
on a
privileged class," it will become a "retrogressive, disastrous, counter-revolutionary movement."[3]
"Every exclusively political revolution - be it in defence of national independence or for internal
change.... - that does not aim at the immediate and real political and economic
emancipation of people will be a false revolution. Its objectives
will be unattainable and its consequences reactionary." [4]
So, if national liberation is to achieve more than simply the replacement of foreign oppressors by local oppressors,
the national liberation movement must thus be merged with the revolutionary struggle of the working class and peasantry
against both capitalism and the State. Without social revolutionary goals, national liberation will simply be a
bourgeois revolution.
The national liberation struggle of the working class and peasantry must be resolutely anti-statist, for the State
was necessarily the preserve of a privileged class, and the state system would continually
recreate the problem of national oppression: "to exist, a state must become an invader of other states ....
it must be ready to occupy a foreign country and hold millions of people in subjection."
The national liberation struggle of oppressed nationalities must be internationalist in character as it must supplant
obsessions with cultural difference with universal ideals of human freedom, it must align itself with the international
class struggle for "political and economic emancipation from the yoke of the State" and the classes it
represents, and it must take place, ultimately, as part of an international revolution: "a social revolution
.... is by its very nature international in scope" and the oppressed nationalities "must therefore link
their aspirations and forces with the aspirations and forces of all
other countries."[5] The "statist path involving the establishment of separate .... States" is "entirely
ruinous for the great masses of the people" because it did not abolish class power but simply changed the
nationality of the ruling class.[6] Instead, the state system must be abolished and replaced with a coalition of
workplace and community structures "directed from the bottom up .... according to the principles of free federation."[7]
These ideas were applied in East Europe from the 1870s onwards, as anarchists played an active role in the in 1873
uprisings in Bosnia and Herzegovina against Austro-Hungarian imperialism. Anarchists also
took an active part in the "National Revolutionary Movement" in Macedonia against the Ottoman Empire.
At least 60 gave their lives in this struggle, particularly in the great 1903 revolt.
This tradition of anarchist anti-imperialism was continued 15 years later in the Ukraine as the Makhnovist movement
organised a titanic peasant revolt that not only smashed the German occupation of the Ukraine, and held off the
invading Red and White armies until 1921, but redistributed land, established worker- peasant self-management in
many areas, and created a Revolutionary Insurgent Army under worker-peasant control.
EGYPT AND ALGERIA
In the 1870s, too, the anarchists began to organise Egypt, notably in Alexandria, where a local anarchist journal
appeared in 1877,[8] and anarchist group from Egypt was represented at the September 1877
Congress of the "Saint-Imier International" (the anarchist faction of the post-1872 First International).[9]
An "Egyptian Federation" was represented at the 1881 International Social Revolutionary Congress by well-known
Errico Malatesta, this time including "bodies from
Constantinople and Alexandria."[10] Malatesta, who lived in Egypt as a political refugee Egypt in 1878 and
1882,[11] became involved in the 1882 "Pasha Revolt" that followed the 1876 take-over of Egyptian finances
by an Anglo-French commission representing international creditors. He arrived specifically to pursue "a revolutionary
purpose connected to the natives' revolt in the days of Arabi Pasha," [12] and "fought with the Egyptians
against the British colonialists."[13]
In Algeria, the anarchist movement emerged in the nineteenth century. The Revolutionary Syndicalist General Confederation
of Labour (CGT-SR) had a section in Algeria. Like other anarchist organisations, the CGT-SR opposed French colonialism,
and in a joint statement by the Anarchist Union, the CGT-SR, and the Association of Anarchist Federations on the
centenary of the French occupation of Algeria in 1930, argued: "Civilisation? Progress? We say: murder!".[14]
A prominent militant in the CGT-SR's Algerian section, as well as in the Anarchist Union and the Anarchist Group
of the Indigenous Algerians, was Sail Mohamed (1894-1953), an Algerian anarchist active in the anarchist movement
from the 1910s until his death in 1953. Sail Mohamed was a founder of organisations such as the Association for
the Rights of the Indigenous Algerians and the Anarchist Group of the Indigenous Algerians. In 1929 he was secretary
of the "Committee for the Defence of the Algerians against the Provocations of the Centenary." Sail Mohamed
was also editor of the North African edition of the anarchist periodical Terre Libre, and a regular contributor
to anarchist journals on the Algerian question.[15]
EUROPE AND MOROCCO
Opposition to imperialism was a crucial part of anarchist anti-militarist campaigns in the imperialist centres,
which stressed that colonial wars did not serve the interests of workers but rather the purposes of capitalism.
The General Confederation of Labour (CGT) in France, for example, devoted a considerable part of its press to exposing
the role of French capitalists in North Africa. The first issue of La Bataille Syndicaliste, which appeared on
the 27 April 1911, exposed the "Moroccan syndicate": the "veiled men" who dictated to the ministers
and diplomats and sought a war that would boost demand for arms, lands, and rail and lead to the imposition of
tax on the indigenous people.[16]
In Spain, the "Tragic Week" began on Monday 26 July 1909 when the union, Solidarad Obrero, which was
led by a committee of anarchists and socialists, called a general strike against the call-up of the mainly working
class army reservists for the colonial war in Morocco.[17] By Tuesday, workers were in control of Barcelona, the
"fiery rose of anarchism," troop trains had been halted, trams overturned,
communications cut and barricades erected. By Thursday, fighting broke out with government forces, and over 150
workers were killed in the street fighting.
The reservists were embittered by disastrous previous colonial campaigns in Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico,[18]
but the Tragic Week must be understood as an anti-imperialist uprising situated within a long tradition of anarchist
anti-imperialism in Spain. The "refusal of the Catalonian reservists to serve in the war against the Riff
mountaineers of Morocco," "one of the most significant" events of modern times,[19] reflected the
common perception that the war was fought purely in the interests of the Riff mine-owners,[20] and that conscription
was "a deliberate act of class warfare and exploitation
from the centre."[21]
In 1911, the newly founded, anarcho-syndicalist, National Confederation of Labour (CNT), successor to Solidarad
Obrero, marked its birth with a general strike on the 16 September in support of two demands: defence of the strikers
at Bilbao and opposition to the war in Morocco.[22] Again, in 1922, following a disastrous battle against the forces
of Abd el-Krim in Morocco in August, a battle in
which at least 10,000 Spanish troops died, "the Spanish people were full of indignation and demanded not only
an end to the war but also that those responsible for the massacre and the politicians who
favoured the operation in Africa be brought to trial", expressing their anger in riots, and in strikes in
the industrial regions.[23]
CUBA
In the Cuban colonial war (1895-1904), the Cuban anarchists and their unions joined the separatist armed forces,
and made propaganda amongst the Spanish troops. The Spanish anarchists, likewise,
campaigned against the Cuban war amongst peasants, workers, and soldiers in their own country.-[24] "All Spanish
anarchists disapproved of the war and called on workers to disobey military authority and
refuse to fight in Cuba," leading to several mutinies amongst draftees.[25] Opposing bourgeois nationalism
and statism, the anarchists sought to give the colonial revolt a social revolutionary
character. At its 1892 congress in Cuba, the anarchist Workers' Alliance recommended that the Cuban working class
join the ranks of "revolutionary socialism" and take the path of independence, noting
that
"....it would be absurd for one who aspires to individual
freedom to oppose the collective freedom of the people...."[26]
When the anarchist Michele Angiolillo assassinated the Spanish President Canovas in 1897 he declared that his act
both in revenge for the repression of anarchists in Spain and retribution for Spain's
atrocities in its colonial wars.[27]
In addition to its role in the anti-colonial struggle, the anarchist-led Cuban labour movement played a central
role in overcoming divisions between black, white Cuban, and Spanish-born workers. The Cuban anarchists "successfully
incorporated many nonwhites into the labour movement, and mixed Cubans and Spaniards in it", "fostering
class consciousness and helping to eradicate the cleavages of race and ethnicity among workers."[28]
The Workers Alliance "eroded racial barriers as no union had done before in Cuba" in its efforts to mobilise
the "whole popular sector to sustain strikes and demonstrations."[29] Not only did blacks join the union
in "significant numbers," but the union also undertook a fight against racial discrimination in the workplace.
The first strike of 1889, for example, included the demand that "individuals of the coloured race able to
work there."[30] This demand reappeared in subsequent years, as did the demand that blacks and whites have
the right to "sit in the same cafes," raised at the 1890 May Day rally in Havana.[31]
The anarchist periodical El Producter, founded in 1887, denounced "discrimination against Afro-Cubans by employers,
shop owners and the administration specifically." And through campaigns and strikes involving the "mass
mobilisation of people of diverse race and ethnicity," anarchist labour in Cuba was able to eliminate "most
of the residual methods of disciplining labour from the slavery era" such as "racial discrimination against
non-whites and the physical punishment of apprentices and dependientes." [32]
MEXICO, NICARAGUA AND AUGUSTINO SANDINO
In Mexico, anarchists led Indian peasant risings such as the revolts of Chavez Lopez in 1869 and Francisco Zalacosta
in the 1870s. Later manifestations of Mexican anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism, such as the Mexican Liberal Party,
the revolutionary syndicalist "House of the Workers of the World" (COM) and the Mexican section of the
Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), Mexican anarchism and revolutionary syndicalism continually challenged the
political and economic dominance of the United States, and opposed racial discrimination against Mexican workers
in foreign-owned enterprises, as well as within the United States.[33]
In the 1910s, the local IWW's focus on "'bread and butter' issues combined with the promise of future workers'
control struck a responsive chord among workers caught up in a nationalist revolution
that sought to regain control from foreigners the nation's natural resources, productive systems and economic infrastructure".[34]
In Nicaragua, Augustino Cesar Sandino (1895-1934), the leader of the Nicaraguan guerrilla war against the United
States' occupation between 1927-33, remains a national icon. Sandino's army's "red and
black flag had an anarcho-syndicalist origin, having been introduced into Mexico by Spanish immigrants." [35]
Sandino's eclectic politics were framed by a "peculiar brand of anarcho-communism,"[36] a "radical
anarchist communism"[37] "assimilated .... in Mexico during the Mexican revolution" where he
received "a political education in syndicalist ideology, also known as anarchosyndicalism, libertarian socialism,
or rational communism."[38]
Despite political weaknesses, Sandino's movement, the EDSNN, moved steadily leftwards as Sandino realised that
"only the workers and the peasants will go all the way to the end" in the struggle. There
was thus increasing emphasis on organising peasant co-operatives in the liberated territories. The US forces were
withdrawn in 1933 and the EDSNN largely demobilised. In 1934 Sandino was murdered and the collectives smashed on
the orders of General Somoza, the new, pro-US ruler.
LIBYA AND ERITREA
In Italy in the 1880s and 1890s "anarchists and former anarchists" "were some of the most outspoken
opponents of Italian military adventures in Eritrea and Abyssinia."[39] The Italian anarchist
movement followed these struggles with a significant anti-militarist campaign in the early twentieth century, which
soon focussed on the Italian invasion of Libya on 19 September 1911.
Augusto Masetti, an anarchist soldier who shot a colonel addressing troops departing for Libya whilst shouting
"Down with the War! Long Live Anarchy!" became a popular symbol of the campaign; a special issue of the
anarchist journal L'Agitatore supporting his action, and proclaiming, "Anarchist revolt shines through the
violence of war," led to a roundup of anarchists. Whilst the majority of Socialist Party deputies voted for
annexation,[40] the anarchists helped organise demonstrations against the war and a partial general strike and
"tried to prevent troop trains leaving the Marches and Liguria for their embarkation points."[41]
The campaign was immensely popular amongst the peasantry and working class[42] and by 1914, the anarchist-dominated
front of anti-militarist groups - open to all revolutionaries - had 20,000
members, and worked closely with the Socialist Youth.[43]
When Prime Minister Antonio Salandra sent troops against anarchist-led demonstrations against militarism, against
special punishment battalions in the army, and for the release of Masetti on
the 7 June 1914,44 he sparked off the "Red Week" of June 1914,45 a mass uprising ushered in by a general
strike led by anarchists and the Italian Syndicalist Union (USI). Ancona was held by rebels for ten days, barricades
went up in all the big cities, small towns in the Marches declared themselves self-governing communes, and everywhere
the revolt took place "red flags were raised, churches
attacked, railways torn up, villas sacked, taxes abolished and prices reduced."[46] The movement collapsed
after the Italian Socialist Party's union wing called off the strike, but it took ten thousand troops to regain
control of Ancona.[47] After Italy entered the First World War in May 1915, the USI and the anarchists maintained
a consistently anti-war, anti-imperialist position, continuing into 1920, when they launched a mass campaign against
the Italian invasion of Albania and against imperialist intervention against the Russian Revolution.[48]
IRELAND AND JAMES CONNOLLY
In Ireland, to cite another case, the revolutionary syndicalists James Connolly and Jim Larkin sought to unite
workers across sectarian religious divides in the 1910s, aiming at transforming the Irish
Transport and General Workers' Union, which they led, into a revolutionary "One Big Union."[49] Socialism
was to be brought about through a revolutionary general strike: "they who are building up
industrial organisations for the practical purposes of to-day are at the same time preparing the framework of the
society of the future .... the principle of democratic control will operate through the workers correctly organised
in .... Industrial Unions, and the .... the political, territorial state of capitalist society will have no place
or function...."[50]
A firm anti-imperialist, Connolly opposed the nationalist dictum that "labour must wait," and that independent
Ireland must be capitalist: what would be the difference in practice, he wrote, if the unemployed were rounded
up for the "to the tune of 'St. Patrick's Day'" whilst the bailiffs wore wear "green uniforms and
the Harp without the Crown, and the warrant turning you out on the road will be stamped with the arms of the Irish
Republic"?[51] In the end, he insisted, "the Irish question is a social question, the whole age-long
fight of the Irish people against their oppressors resolves itself, in the final analysis into a fight for the
mastery of the means of life, the sources of production, in Ireland."[52]
Connolly was sceptical of the very ability of the national bourgeoisie to consistently fight against imperialism,
writing it off as a sentimental, cowardly, and anti-labour bloc, and he opposed any alliance with this layer: the
once-radical middle class have "bowed the knee to Baal, and have a thousand economic strings .... binding
them to English capitalism as against every sentimental or historic attachment drawing them toward Irish patriotism,"
and so, "only the Irish working class remain as the incorruptible inheritors of the fight for freedom in Ireland."[53]
Connolly was executed in 1916 following his involvement in the Easter Rising, which helped spark the Irish War
of Independence of 1919-1922, one of the first successful secessions from the British Empire.
ANARCHIST REVOLUTION IN KOREA
A final example bears mentioning. The anarchist movement emerged in East Asia in the early twentieth century, where
it exerted a significant influence in China, Japan and Korea. With the Japanese
annexation of Korea in 1910, opposition to the occupation developed in both Japan and in Korea, and spilled over
into China. In Japan, the prominent anarchist Kotoku Shusui was framed and executed in July 1910, in part because
his Commoner's Newspaper campaigned against Japanese expansionism.[54]
For the Korean anarchists, the struggle for decolonisation assumed centre-stage in their political activity: they
played a prominent part in the 1919 rising against Japanese occupation, and in 1924 formed the Korean Anarchist
Federation on the basis of the "Korean Revolution Manifesto" which stated that
"we declare that the burglar politics of Japan is the enemy for
our nation's existence and that it is our proper right to
overthrow the imperialist Japan by a revolutionary means".[55]
The Manifesto made it clear that the solution to this national question was not the creation of a "sovereign
national State" but in a social revolution by the peasants and the poor against both the colonial government
and the local bourgeoisie.
Further, the struggle was seen in internationalist terms by the Korean Anarchist Federation, which went on to found
an Eastern Anarchist Federation in 1928, spanning China, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam and
other countries, and which called upon "the proletariat of the world, especially the eastern colonies"
to unite against "international capitalistic imperialism". Within Korea itself, the anarchists organised
an underground network, the Korean Anarcho-Communist Federation, to engage in guerrilla activity, propaganda work
and trade union organising.[56]
In 1929, the Korean anarchists founded an armed liberated zone, the Korean People's Association in Manchuria, which
brought together two million guerrillas and Korean peasants on the basis of voluntary
farming co-operatives. The Korean People's Association in Manchuria was able to withstand several years of attacks
by Japanese forces and Korean Stalinists backed by the Soviet Union before being forced underground.[57] Resistance
continued throughout the 1930s despite intense repression, and a number of joint Sino-Korean operations were organised
after the Japanese invasion of China in 1937.[58]
IN CONCLUSION: TOWARDS THE DESTRUCTION OF IMPERIALISM
Anarchists cannot be 'neutral' in any fight against imperialism. Whether it is the struggle against the third world
debt, the struggle against the Israeli occupation of Palestine, or opposition to US military
attacks on the Middle East, we are not neutral, we can never be neutral. We are against imperialism.
But we are not nationalists. We recognise that imperialism is itself rooted in capitalism, and we recognise that
simply replacing foreign elites with local elites will not solve the problem in a way that is
fundamentally beneficial for the working class and peasantry.
Establishing new nation-states means, in effect, establishing new capitalist states that, in turn, serve the interests
of the local elite at the expense of the working class and peasantry. Thus, most nationalist
movements that have achieved their goals have turned on the working class once in power, crushing leftists and
trade unionists with vigour. In other words, internal oppression continues in new forms.
At the same time, imperialism cannot be destroyed by the formation of new nation-states. Even independent nation-states
are part of the international state system, and the international capitalist system, a system in which the power
of imperialist states continues to set the rules of the game. In other words, external repression continues in
new forms.
This means that the new states - and the local capitalists that control them- soon find themselves unable to fundamentally
challenge imperialist control and instead set about trying to advance their interests within the overall framework
of imperialism. This means that they maintain close economic ties with the western centres, whilst using their
own state power to build up their own strength, hoping, eventually, to graduate to imperialist status themselves.
In practice, the most effective way for the local ruling classes to crush labour and small farmers in order to
be able to sell cheap raw materials and
manufactured goods on the world market.
This is no solution. We need to abolish imperialism, so creating conditions for the self-government of all people
around the world. But this requires the destruction of capitalism and the state system. At the
same time, our struggle is a struggle against the ruling classes within the third world: local oppression is no
solution. The local elites are an enemy both within national liberation movements and even more so
after the formation of new nation-states. Hence, we are for working class autonomy and unity and solidarity across
countries, across continents, and for the establishment of an international
anarcho-communist system through the self-activity of the global working class and peasantry.
It is only the working class and peasantry, therefore, who can destroy imperialism and capitalism, replacing domination
by both local and foreign elites with self-management and social and economic equality. As Sandino said, "In
this struggle, only the workers and peasants will go all the way to the end."
Lucien van der Walt is an anarchist activist based in Johannesburg, and involved in struggles
and movements against privatisation, neo-liberalism and racism. Contact him through the bikisha@mail.com (Bikisha
Media Collective, South Africa) address if you are interested in reprinting this text.
Footnotes
1 Cited in D. Geurin, 1970, Anarchism, Monthly Review, p. 68
2 ibid.
3 Geurin, 1970, op cit., p. 68
4 M. Bakunin, [1866] "National Catechism," in S. Dolgoff (editor), 1971,
Bakunin on Anarchy, George Allen and Unwin, London, p. 99.
5 Bakunin, [1873], "Statism and Anarchy," in S. Dolgoff (editor), 1971,
op cit., pp. 341-3
6 ibid.
7 Cited in S. Cipko, 1990, "Mikhail Bakunin and the National
Question," in The Raven, 9, (1990), p. 3 p. 11.
8 http://members.tripod.com/~stiobhard/east.html
9 G. Woodcock, 1975, Anarchism: a History of Libertarian Ideas and
Movements. Penguin, pp. 236-8
10 H. Oliver, 1983, The International Anarchist Movement in Late
Victorian London, Croom Helm, London/ Rowman and Littlefield, New
Jersey, p. 15
11 V. Richards, 1993, Malatesta: Life and Ideas, Freedom Press,
London, p. 229
12 Ibid.; P. Marshall, 1994, Demanding the Impossible: a history of
anarchism, Fontana, p. 347
13 D. Poole, 1981, "Appendix: About Malatesta", in E. Malatesta, Fra
Contadini: a Dialogue on Anarchy, Bratach Dubh Editions, Anarchist
Pamphlets no. 6, London, p. 42
14 From Sail Mahomed, 1994, Appels Aux Travailleurs Algeriens,
Volonte Anarchiste/ Edition Du Groupe Fresnes Antony, Paris (Edited
by Sylvain Boulouque).
15 From Sylvain Boulouque, 1994, "Sail Mohamed: ou la vie et la
revolte d'un anarchiste Algerien" in Mahomed, 1994, op cit.
16 F.D., 27 April 1911, "Le Syndicait Marocain," in Le Bataille
Syndicaliste, number 1
17 R. Kedward, 1972, The Anarchists: the men who shocked an era,
Library of the Twentieth Century, p. 67
18 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67
19 Nevinson was an English critic of imperialism; the quote is from
1909. Cited in P. Trewhela, 1988, "George Padmore: a critique, "in
Searchlight South Africa, volume 1, number 1, p. 50
20 B, Tuchman, cited in Trewhela, 1988, op cit., p. 50.
21 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67
22 M. Bookchin, 1977, The Spanish Anarchists: the heroic years
1868-1936 (Harper Colophon Books: New York, Hagerstown, San
Francisco, London, 1977, p. 163
23 A. Paz, 1987, Durruti: the People Armed, Black Rose, Montreal,
p.39
24 J. Casanovas, 1994, Labour and Colonialism in Cuba in the
Second Half of the Nineteenth Century, Ph.D. thesis, State University
of New York at Stony Brook
25 ibid., p. 436.
26 F. Fernandez, 1989, Cuba: the anarchists and liberty, ASP,
London, p. 2.
27 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 436
28 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 8
29 ibid., p. 366.
30 ibid., p. 367.
31 ibid., pp. 381, 393-4.
32 J. Casanovas, 1995, "Slavery, the Labour Movement and Spanish
Colonialism in Cuba, 1850-1890", International Review of Social
History, number 40, pp. 381-2. These struggles are detailed in
Casanovas, 1994, op cit., chapters 8 and 9.
33 See, inter alia, N. Caulfield, 1995, "Wobblies and Mexican Workers
in Petroleum, 1905-1924", International Review of Social History,
number 40, p. 52, and N. Caulfield, "Syndicalism and the Trade Union
Culture of Mexico" (paper presented at Syndicalism: Swedish and
International Historical Experiences, Stockholm University: Sweden,
March 13-4, 1998); J. Hart, 1978, Anarchism and the Mexican
Working Class, 1860-1931, Texas University Press
34 Caulfield, 1995, op cit.; Caulfield, 1998, op cit.
35 D.C. Hodges, The Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan
Revolution, cited in Appendix, "The Symbols of Anarchy", The
Anarchist FAQ, http://flag.blackened.net/intanark/faq/.
36 ibid.
37 See Navarro-Genie, Sin Sandino No Hay Sandinismo: lo que
Bendana pretende (unpublished mimeo: n.d.).
38 A. Bendana, 1995, A Sandinista Commemoration of the Sandino
Centennial (speech given on the 61 anniversary of the death of
General Sandino, held in Managua's Olaf Palme Convention Centre,
distributed by Centre for International Studies, Managua)
39 C. Levy, 1989, "Italian Anarchism, 1870-1926", in D. Goodway
(editor), For Anarchism: history, theory and practice, Routledge,
London/ New York, p. 56.
40 G. Williams, 1975, A Proletarian Order: Antonio Gramsci, factory
councils and the origins of Italian communism 1911-21, Pluto Press,
pp. 36-7
41 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56; Williams, 1975, op cit., p. 37
42 ibid. p. 35
43 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56
44 Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 56-7
45 ibid., pp. 56-7
46 ibid., pp. 56-7; Williams, 1975, op cit., pp. 51-2. The quote is from
Williams.
47 ibid., p. 36
48 See, inter alia, Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 64, 71; Williams, 1975, op cit.
49 On Connolly and Larkin, see E. O'Connor, 1988, Syndicalism in
Ireland, 1917-23, Cork University Press, Ireland. I do not intend to
enter into a detailed debate over Connolly in this paper, except to state
that the recurrent attempts to appropriate Connolly for Stalinism,
Trotskyism and/ or the Marxist tradition, more generally - not to
mention Irish nationalism and/or Catholicism - are confounded by
Connolly's own unambiguous views on revolutionary unionism after
1904: see the materials in collections such as O. B. Edwards and B.
Ransom (editors), 1973, James Connolly: selected political writings,
Jonathan Cape: London
50 J. Connolly, 1909, "Socialism Made Easy," Edwards and Ransom
(editors), op cit., pp. 271, 274
51 Connolly, [1909], op cit., p. 262
52 J. Connolly, Labour in Irish History (Corpus of Electronic Texts:
University College, Cork, Ireland [1903-1910]), p. 183
53 Connolly, [1903-1910], op cit., p. 25
54 Ha Ki-Rak, 1986, A History of Korean Anarchist Movement,
Anarchist Publishing Committee: Korea, pp. 27-9
55 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 19-28
56 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 35-69
57 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 71-93.
58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 96-11358 Cited in D. Geurin, 1970,
Anarchism, Monthly Review, p. 68
58 ibid.
58 Geurin, 1970, op cit., p. 68
58 M. Bakunin, [1866] "National Catechism," in S. Dolgoff (editor),
1971, Bakunin on Anarchy, George Allen and Unwin, London, p. 99.
58 Bakunin, [1873], "Statism and Anarchy," in S. Dolgoff (editor), 1971,
op cit., pp. 341-3
58 ibid.
58 Cited in S. Cipko, 1990, "Mikhail Bakunin and the National
Question," in The Raven, 9, (1990), p. 3 p. 11.
58 http://members.tripod.com/~stiobhard/east.html
58 G. Woodcock, 1975, Anarchism: a History of Libertarian Ideas and
Movements. Penguin, pp. 236-8
58 H. Oliver, 1983, The International Anarchist Movement in Late
Victorian London, Croom Helm, London/ Rowman and Littlefield, New
Jersey, p. 15
58 V. Richards, 1993, Malatesta: Life and Ideas, Freedom Press,
London, p. 229
58 Ibid.; P. Marshall, 1994, Demanding the Impossible: a history of
anarchism, Fontana, p. 347
58 D. Poole, 1981, "Appendix: About Malatesta", in E. Malatesta, Fra
Contadini: a Dialogue on Anarchy, Bratach Dubh Editions, Anarchist
Pamphlets no. 6, London, p. 42
58 From Sail Mahomed, 1994, Appels Aux Travailleurs Algeriens,
Volonte Anarchiste/ Edition Du Groupe Fresnes Antony, Paris (Edited
by Sylvain Boulouque).
58 From Sylvain Boulouque, 1994, "Sail Mohamed: ou la vie et la
revolte d'un anarchiste Algerien" in Mahomed, 1994, op cit.
58 F.D., 27 April 1911, "Le Syndicait Marocain," in Le Bataille
Syndicaliste, number 1
58 R. Kedward, 1972, The Anarchists: the men who shocked an era,
Library of the Twentieth Century, p. 67
58 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67
58 Nevinson was an English critic of imperialism; the quote is from
1909. Cited in P. Trewhela, 1988, "George Padmore: a critique, "in
Searchlight South Africa, volume 1, number 1, p. 50
58 B, Tuchman, cited in Trewhela, 1988, op cit., p. 50.
58 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67
58 M. Bookchin, 1977, The Spanish Anarchists: the heroic years
1868-1936 (Harper Colophon Books: New York, Hagerstown, San
Francisco, London, 1977, p. 163
58 A. Paz, 1987, Durruti: the People Armed, Black Rose, Montreal,
p.39
58 J. Casanovas, 1994, Labour and Colonialism in Cuba in the
Second Half of the Nineteenth Century, Ph.D. thesis, State University
of New York at Stony Brook
58 ibid., p. 436.
58 F. Fernandez, 1989, Cuba: the anarchists and liberty, ASP,
London, p. 2.
58 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 436
58 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 8
58 ibid., p. 366.
58 ibid., p. 367.
58 ibid., pp. 381, 393-4.
58 J. Casanovas, 1995, "Slavery, the Labour Movement and Spanish
Colonialism in Cuba, 1850-1890", International Review of Social
History, number 40, pp. 381-2. These struggles are detailed in
Casanovas, 1994, op cit., chapters 8 and 9.
58 See, inter alia, N. Caulfield, 1995, "Wobblies and Mexican Workers
in Petroleum, 1905-1924", International Review of Social History,
number 40, p. 52, and N. Caulfield, "Syndicalism and the Trade Union
Culture of Mexico" (paper presented at Syndicalism: Swedish and
International Historical Experiences, Stockholm University: Sweden,
March 13-4, 1998); J. Hart, 1978, Anarchism and the Mexican
Working Class, 1860-1931, Texas University Press
58 Caulfield, 1995, op cit.; Caulfield, 1998, op cit.
58 D.C. Hodges, The Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan
Revolution, cited in Appendix, "The Symbols of Anarchy", The
Anarchist FAQ, http://flag.blackened.net/intanark/faq/.
58 ibid.
58 See Navarro-Genie, Sin Sandino No Hay Sandinismo: lo que
Bendana pretende (unpublished mimeo: n.d.).
58 A. Bendana, 1995, A Sandinista Commemoration of the Sandino
Centennial (speech given on the 61 anniversary of the death of
General Sandino, held in Managua's Olaf Palme Convention Centre,
distributed by Centre for International Studies, Managua)
58 C. Levy, 1989, "Italian Anarchism, 1870-1926", in D. Goodway
(editor), For Anarchism: history, theory and practice, Routledge,
London/ New York, p. 56.
58 G. Williams, 1975, A Proletarian Order: Antonio Gramsci, factory
councils and the origins of Italian communism 1911-21, Pluto Press,
pp. 36-7
58 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56; Williams, 1975, op cit., p. 37
58 ibid. p. 35
58 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56
58 Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 56-7
58 ibid., pp. 56-7
58 ibid., pp. 56-7; Williams, 1975, op cit., pp. 51-2. The quote is from
Williams.
58 ibid., p. 36
58 See, inter alia, Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 64, 71; Williams, 1975, op cit.
58 On Connolly and Larkin, see E. O'Connor, 1988, Syndicalism in
Ireland, 1917-23, Cork University Press, Ireland. I do not intend to
enter into a detailed debate over Connolly in this paper, except to state
that the recurrent attempts to appropriate Connolly for Stalinism,
Trotskyism and/ or the Marxist tradition, more generally - not to
mention Irish nationalism and/or Catholicism - are confounded by
Connolly's own unambiguous views on revolutionary unionism after
1904: see the materials in collections such as O. B. Edwards and B.
Ransom (editors), 1973, James Connolly: selected political writings,
Jonathan Cape: London
58 J. Connolly, 1909, "Socialism Made Easy," Edwards and Ransom
(editors), op cit., pp. 271, 274
58 Connolly, [1909], op cit., p. 262
58 J. Connolly, Labour in Irish History (Corpus of Electronic Texts:
University College, Cork, Ireland [1903-1910]), p. 183
58 Connolly, [1903-1910], op cit., p. 25
58 Ha Ki-Rak, 1986, A History of Korean Anarchist Movement,
Anarchist Publishing Committee: Korea, pp. 27-9
58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 19-28
58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 35-69
58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 71-93.
58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 96-113
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